Monthly Review
 

October 2008

Reflections
by Fidel Castro Ruz

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October 2006

It Could Happen Here
by Gregory Meyerson and Michael Joseph Roberto


September 2006

Did Mao Really Kill Millions in the Great Leap Forward?
by Joseph Ball

What Maoism Has Contributed
by Samir Amin


May 2006

Universal Rights and Wrongs: Roper v. Simmons, Torture and Judge Posner
by Michael E. Tigar


August 2005

Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) on the Successful Attack on the Fortified Army Base in Kalikot on August 7th-8th, 2005


July 2005

Internal Debate within the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)


June 2005

Nepal—The Most Significant Popular Struggle for Freedom and Democracy in the World Today
by Randhir Singh

Debate Over the Future of the AFL-CIO: More Heat than Light
by Bill Fletcher, Jr.


May 2005

Hands off
Assata Campaign

Statement from the Black Radical Congress

Will Miller: The Life of an Activist-Educator
by Ron Jacobs

André Gunder Frank (1929-2005)
by Theotonio dos Santos


April 2005

A Note on the Death of André Gunder Frank (1929-2005)
by Samir Amin


March 2005

Dr. Baburam Bhattarai on the Royal Dictatorship and the Need For a Democratic Republic in Nepal


February 2005

The Future of Organized Labor in the U.S.: Reinventing Trade Unionism for the 21st Century
by Kate Bronfenbrenner, Donna Dewitt, Bill Fletcher, Jr., et al.


January 2005

On December 24, 2004, Maoists in China Get Three Year Prison Sentences for Leafleting


May 2004

William H. Hinton (1919 –2004)
by John Mage


April 2004

Can the Working Class Change the World?
by Michael D. Yates


December 2003

A Turn for the Worse in the United States: Criminalizing Dissent
by Lynne A. Williams, Esq.


September 2003

Dr. Baburam Bhattarai on the Failure of the Peace Talks in Nepal


August 2003

Remembering W.E.B. Du Bois
by Bill Fletcher, Jr.


June 2003

Gilbert Achcar Interviewed by David Barsamian


May 2003

Fidel Castro: May Day 2003


March 2003

Understanding the U.S. War State
by John McMurtry


February 2003

Women’s Leadership and the Revolution in Nepal
by Com. Parvati


November 2002

The Face of Empire
by William K. Tabb


September 2002

A Communication from the Revolutionaries in Nepal on the Current (September 2002) Situation in the Civil War

Comparisons Between Recent U.S.-Backed Coups: Caracas and Kathmandu
by Wayne Madsen


May 2002

A Struggle Within the Chinese Communist Party

Letter of the Fourteen

Letter of Ma Bin and Han Yaxi


April 2002

Goldilocks Meets a Bear: How Bad Will the U.S. Recession Be?
by Fred Moseley

Hypocrisy and Human Rights
by H. E. Mr. Felipe Pérez Roque


January 2002

Birthpangs of Democracy in Nepal: Commentary from Dr. Baburam Bhattarai


November 2001

Terrorism and Human Rights
by Michael E. Tigar


September 2001

Terror Attacks of September 11, 2001
Statement from the Black Radical Congress


August 2001

Will We Awaken and Find That No One Is Left
by Bill Fletcher, Jr.


July 2001

A Tale of Two Conferences
by Bill Fletcher, Jr.


June 2001

The Letter of Dr. Baburam Bhattarai on the Palace Massacre in Nepal


April 2001

Statement on the Rebellion in Cincinnati and Continued Police Terror
Statement from the Black Radical Congress

African Leaders Hide Political Woes Behind Homophobia
Statement from the Black Radical Congress


March 2001

Communists Return to Power in Moldova: Hope for a Communist Democracy in the Former Soviet Union?
by John Mage

Contemporary Police Brutality and Misconduct: A Continuation of the Legacy of Racial Violence
Statement from the Black Radical Congress


February 2001

A Silent Coup d’État: Only in America
by Edward Greer

U.S. Wouldn’t Tolerate Our Election in Nicaragua
by Robert W. McChesney

Media Giants Have a Pal at the FCC
by Robert W. McChesney


The Battle of the Truth and Martin Blandino’s Book — October 9, 2008

Part One

The international press only reports on the economic hurricane beating the world. Many present it as a new phenomenon. For us it is not new; it was forseeable. Today, I’d rather deal with another current issue of great interest to our people, too.

When I wrote the reflection on Cangamba, I was unaware of the excellent book written by the journalist and author whose name I have included in the title. I had only seen the film Kagamba, which brought to my mind such touching memories. One phrase kept coming to me: Those who fell in Cangamba did not die in vain!

The same purpose had inspired my message of August 12, 1983, addressed to the Chief of the Cuban Military Mission in Angola.

At dawn, the enemy had pulled out of the battle field. Its troops there exceeded the figure of 3,000 men armed and equipped by the South African racists. From August 2, they had been attacking day and night the trenches occupied by 600 Angolans of the 32nd FAPLA Brigade and 84 Cuban internationalists, plus a reinforcement of 102 men sent from the military region of Luena. Cubans and Angolans fought restlessly there with no food or water and having sustained 78 deadly casualties and 204 injured; of these 18 dead and 27 wounded were Cubans. When the attackers started to pull out they lost practically every weapon and ammunition and sustained a great number of casualties. The two best UNITA Brigades had been crushed.

The book by Jorge Martin Blandino was published in 2007, when due to my health condition I was not in the frontline. It was the result of a lengthy research and of talks with many comrades who were protagonists of the events, as well as the consultation of 34 books on the subject, some of them written by “South African officers from the days of apartheid” or people who were misled into becoming UNITA followers.

In one of the most interesting chapters it reads:

“That night, as the watch in Havana showed the time to be 14:00 hours and 19:00 hours in Luanda, communication was established again with the Cuban Military Mission in Angola. After the exchange on the telephone, a cable was immediately dispatched legally establishing the previously issued indications. They reaffirm the decision made, that is, to urgently evacuate every Cuban from Cangamba; to try to persuade the Angolans to do likewise; to keep up the exploration mission on the approaches to the village and to be mindful of the movement of the enemy’s troops in the Moxico province.

“…In Luanda, at 9:00 hours, Cuban ambassador Puente Ferro and Colonel Amels Escalante, Chief of the General Staff at the Cuban Military Mission in Angola, show up for a meeting with President Jose Eduardo dos Santos. To their surprise, General Konstantin, head of the Soviet Military Mission, is also there. The Angolan Defense Minister and Colonel N’Dalu, Chief of FAPLA General Staff, arrive immediately afterwards.

“The ambassador is the first to walk into the offices of the President. He officially presents the message sent to Dos Santos by the Commander in Chief. Subsequently, Colonel Escalante comes in and explains in detail the assessment made by the top Cuban leadership of the military situation, which is the basis of the decision to evacuate the internationalists from Cangamba; also, the proposal to immediately do the same with the FAPLA combatants and to halt the ongoing operation in the Moxico province.

“The President says he agrees with Fidel and asks that General Konstantin be showed in. The head of the Soviet Military Mission asks for the floor to express a view that would amaze and upset the Cubans. He says that he finds the idea acceptable as a matter of policy but that as a military man he disagrees with halting the operation and adds that in his view the conditions exist to make the most of the success, for example, by bringing more forces to fight, including the landing and assault brigade which has just come in from Cuba.

“Colonel Amels Escalante reminds him of the many difficulties faced with the supplies in the hard days of the enemy attack on the village. The Soviet military resorts to the argument that recently an Il-76 aircraft had arrived carrying C-5 rockets, to which the Cuban responds by recalling that they had to be brought in from Cuba since they were not there at the time they were most needed. Given the way the meeting is going, Dos Santos chooses to adjourn and postpone the final decision.

“A few hours later, at noon, General Konstantin comes to the headquarters of the Cuban Military Mission. He apologizes for the way he had expressed his views at the meeting with the President and admits that he should have deeply studied the situation that had been created before offering such an opinion.”

The historian’s explanation is very clear. An embarrassing situation had already been created which was really serious for its implications any way you looked at it. Everything was at stake, therefore, the Cuban command had to be very firm and keep their sangfroid.

In the same book, and taking up different moments, the essence is explained:

“Colonel N’Dalu: There is no unity of though and when there is a problem some have an idea and others…Much importance is given to the word ‘sovereignty’ but it’s difficult to preserve such a large territory; we don’t have enough troops. It’s not only Cangamba. We are in many places just to say we are there but strategically speaking they are unimportant. The offensive can wait until later. We have had discussions at the General Staff, with the Defense Minister, and there is no agreement. That’s why at a certain moment some decisions are delayed, and some people have to be persuaded because if a unit is withdrawn and anything happen the other say: ‘It happened because the others asked for withdrawal’. Then if it stays and something happens: ‘The culprits are those who said the troops had to stay.’ Actually, we must defend the more densely populated areas, those of greater social and economic interest, and forget for a while the territories where UNITA’s presence or ours does not tilt the scale. They say that they are in control but they are not really there; what they do know is that we are not there either.”

The author reviews the MINFAR official documents:

“After a short period of meditation, the Commander in Chief issues instructions to transmit to the head of the Cuban Military Mission the following arguments. He wonders what sense it makes now to stay in Cangamba. It has been proved that the number of helicopters and combat and transportation planes in Angola, and their supplies, are insufficient to secure support for a large operation given the enormous distance between the village and the air basis. As life has shown, it’s still more complex to secure the advance of reinforcement troops by land since these are also located hundreds of miles away and they would have to move through impassable roads infested with enemies. If the movement of the armored vehicles has been extraordinarily difficult in the dry season, we can hardly dream of such a great movement in the upcoming rainy season.

“A great success has been accomplished and it would not be rational to expect more at the moment…Think of the bitter days suffered during the siege and the danger of annihilation of the small group of internationalists and alert them on the necessity to be realistic and to avoid being driven by the euphoria that usually comes with the victory: ‘We cannot allow the victory to be turned into a setback.’

“The chief of the Cuban Military Mission shows his agreement and the immediate evacuation of the Cuban internationalists deployed in Cangamba is ordered. Right away, the Commander in Chief drafts a personal message addressed to Angolan President Jose Eduardo Dos Santos (the message challenged by General Kostantin) where, following the same rational shared with Division General Cintra Frias, he raises the need for the FAPLA to also evacuate the villages of Cangamba and Tempue, and the compelling need to strengthen the defense of Luena, Lucusse and Kuito Bie. In light of the existing situation, he informs him of the decision to pull out every Cuban from Cangamba soon. He also suggests to postpone until the next dry season any offensive action in the region of Moxico and, for the time being, to concentrate all efforts in the struggle against the enemy in the vast territory separating the city of Luanda from the line defended by the Cuban internationalist troops to the south of the country, the area that UNITA considers its second strategic front.

“At the same time, Colonel Amels Escalante informs the chief of the FAPLA General Staff and the chief of the Soviet Military Mission in Angola, of the Commander in Chief’s decision to halt the operation undertaken by the Cuban internationalist troops, in view of the difficulties with the deployment of columns, the problems with supplies --mostly for the aviation-- and the upcoming rainy season. Shortly afterwards, ambassador Puente Ferro and Colonel Escalante meet with the Defense Minister to offer him the same information.”

Colonel Amels Escalante hoped that Colonel N’Dalu, chief of the FAPLA General Staff, would understand the need to withdraw from Cangamba.

The Angolan Army General Kundi Payhama, a combatant of exceptional merits, told the author: “There was brotherhood, there was fraternity and everything was done here in a different spirit. The love, friendship, sacrifices and devotion of the Cuban comrades who left here their sweat and their blood has no price. Let it be said that we are forever de facto brothers. Nothing in this world, nothing, can justify that anything gets in the way of friendship between Angola and Cuba.”

We shall continue on Monday in Granma.

Fidel Castro Ruz
October 9, 2008


A most noble, most exceptional man

Che Gueverra

CHE… is one of the most noble, exceptional and altruistic men I have ever known, which would have no importance if one did not believe that people like him exist in their millions, millions and millions among the masses. People who stand out in a singular manner would not be able to do anything, if many millions, like him, did not have the embryo or did not have the capacity to acquire those qualities. That is why our Revolution took so much interest in fighting against illiteracy and developing education, so that everyone would be like Che.

—Fidel, in his conversations with Ignacio Ramonet, published October 8, 2008

We are and we should be socialists — October 4th, 2008

Last October 2nd we discussed the international price of our fuel consumption. I am under the impression that its significance attracted the attention of many leaders and cadres.

There is a general debate about the percentage of the population with access to electricity and other common services in modern life. This may vary from 40% or lower to 60% or a bit higher. It depends on the access to hydroelectric resources and other elements.

Before January 1st, 1959, almost half of the Cuban people had no access to electricity. Today, with a population twice the size and a wide access to that energy, its consumption has increased several times over.

In our country, as in a large part of the world –except for the super-rich nations– that electricity is brought to the people by air using electricity pylons, posts, transformers and other means, many of which were turned down by the strong winds of hurricanes Gustav and Ike throughout the island.

An article in Granma signed by Maria Julia Mayoral outlines the devastation of the power grid by both natural phenomena. But, she adds that while the hurricanes were crossing the power generators provided electricity to “966 bakeries, 207 food processing centers, 372 radio stations, 193 hospitals, 496 policlinics, 635 water-pumping stations, 138 senior citizens homes, among other basic facilities.”

“This means that…it was necessary to take down hundreds of emergency equipment located in production and services centers to set them up quickly in places unconnected to the National Energy Service. This was made possible by the coordinated action of the dismantling brigades of various state institutions and transportation companies with the support of local authorities. The means provisionally moved will be returned to their original centers as soon as the situation is back to normal.”

The words that I have literally taken from the original text show the devotion of Party and Government cadres, both national and local, to finding solutions.

The heading of the article written by Maria Julia reads: A Fortune is Spent to Bring Light to the People.

I think this is the right time to recall that the power generators were set up with the following purposes:

To secure crucial services such as healthcare or food preservation under any circumstances;

·To secure such industrial productions as bread, milk and others;

·To secure steel smelting whose interruption would seriously damage the industry;

·To guarantee defense services and public information which are indispensable at all times, such as the weather bureaus and their radars that follow the hurricanes’ path;

·To ensure the progressive generation of electricity with minimum consumption, much more efficiently than the available thermal plants. Having said this, we should remember that the power generators are of different sizes, from those with small engines that can produce 40 KW/h or less up to those generating over 1,000 KW/h. Sometimes it becomes necessary to put together several of these engines, for example, in a hospital with advanced technological equipment and an indispensable air conditioning system which are high energy consumers.

These engines operate with diesel and their efficiency grows as their capacity for electricity generation increases to a certain point. They require a certain type of grease, a stock of spare parts, maintenance, etc.

A growing number of power generators are made up by uninterrupted energy-producing engines which use another fuel.

The ideal thing would be for each of the abovementioned production or services units to receive electricity from the National Energy System. This is produced with more efficient equipment working on fuel oil, which is less expensive than diesel, obtained from oil refining, a fuel increasingly used for transportation of passengers and cargo, tractors and other farming equipment.

If for whatever reasons the power generators that operate with diesel are used to produce electricity for houses and placed under a 20 hours operation regime this can have a negative impact. This equipment has been intended for emergencies and, under Cuba’s present development, to operate for a limited number of peak hours.

Among the hydrocarbon consuming generators nothing compares with the sets of power generators that operate on fuel oil, even if the investment is more costly. Due to their weight and complexity, they cannot be moved from one place to another at will. In this sense, it is second only to the combined cycle plants that use gas, previously cleaned of sulfur and other contaminants.

We should be mindful that no cadre forgets the advisability of not wasting a minute to return all the diesel consuming engines to their specific function in the neighboring provinces and municipalities as soon as the emergency is over. There is a serious deficit of that fuel; the country spends too much and it has been necessary to reduce the demanded allocations.

I insist that the production and distribution of food and construction materials are absolutely prioritized at the moment. We are not a developed capitalist country in a crisis, one whose leaders go insane looking for solutions amidst a depression, inflation, a lack of markets and unemployment; we are and we should be socialists.

Fidel Castro Ruz
October 4, 2008


A subject to reflect on — October 3, 2008

Under normal circumstances, Cuba is a country where electricity is provided to 98% of the population. There is one single energy production and supply system. The use of power generators ensures supply to crucial centers under any circumstances. And this will again be the case as soon as the power grids are restored.

It is worthwhile giving some thought every day to the cost of electricity; civilized life in today’s world would be impossible without it. The situation is still more challenging at the upcoming time of the year as nights grow longer and all lights and equipment are turned on at the same time, especially since most homes have several electrical appliances.

Reflecting on the subject would enable us to understand the predicament of many countries in the world that have import fuel. In Cuba water energy never abounded; it never could since we don’t have large rivers. Solar energy, a renewable and non-contaminant form of energy, though costly, is already being used at several thousand points to meet social needs. Finally, there is the wind energy, whose tests began under the destructive danger of the hurricanes. However, efforts to seek a response to growing energy needs will not stop on account of that.

Our electricity production basically depends on thermoelectric plants built throughout the country under the Revolution –they barely existed before—together with the extensive power grid required in a long and narrow island to compensate for regional deficits and for indispensable repairs.

Nevertheless, it is up to us to save fuel used daily not only to produce electricity but also in other national activities such as industry, transportation, construction, land cultivation, etc. I will not list them all because there are scores of activities where fuel is consumed, often more than necessary, both in Cuba and elsewhere. However, it is worse in our case because we have grown used to receiving from the Revolution many things that for which we have not worked. We even tend to forget that hurricanes exist, in combination with climate changes and other phenomena created by so-called civilization.

One piece of information that would help us illustrate such situation: the cost of Cuba’s annual energy consumption, at this year’s prices, is in excess of $8 billion.

On the other hand, if we add up the value of nickel, sugar and the production of the Scientific Complex, which are the three main export items, at current prices it would barely amount to $2 billion; and from these we have to deduct the expenses and necessary input to produce them.

Of course, these are not our only sources of hard currency income. Our homeland is receiving today a higher income from exporting services than it does from material exports. Perhaps, in a relatively short period of time, we might become oil exporters. We are already partly so, but of heavy crude oil that cannot be refined in Cuba due to our present limited capacity.

One conclusion that can be drawn from what has been said is that, faced with the excessive fuel demand of some state institutions, the response has been categorical: reduce the activities that you have thought or dreamed about.

Some of our comrades really dream of meeting all the “unbridled” demands of our people. What we need in our state is a strict discipline and an absolutely rational order of priorities. We should not recoil from establishing what should or should not be done based on the principle that nothing is easy, and that material goods can only be honorably created through intensive and quality work.

What must never be lacking under any circumstances, are the available means of transporting material, foodstuffs and resources for the most crucial productions and services.

I insist on the indispensable and crucial necessity – not of useless and ineffective bureaucratic work, but of indispensable and essential physical work. Not just being intellectuals, but also being workers, working with our hands.

Fidel Castro Ruz
October 2, 2008

Fidel Castro Ruz is the President of Cuba.